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Syria's rebel-turned-ruler, Ahmed al-Sharaa, has welcomed dozens of foreign delegations since he took power in Damascus in December, but none of them were Iranian.
And, to send an even stronger message, Sharaa made visits to Iran's regional rivals, Saudi Arabia and Turkey, which he indicated were priorities after being declared interim president of Syria.
The elimination of Iran from the game by Syria's new rulers is no surprise: after all, Tehran spent billions of dollars, sent military advisers, and created networks of collaborators in Syria to help President Bashar al-Assad suppress dissent and fight rebel forces opposing his government when the civil war began in 2011.
"After tens of thousands of people were killed by Iran, its allies and collaborators in Syria, there is no love for them and there is not much urgency for rapprochement," said Phillip Smyth, an expert on developments in the Middle East and Iran's collaborators.
"Closed door" for Tehran
Even conservative Iranian media see Sharaa's visit to Saudi Arabia as a signal to Iran that Damascus has moved out of Tehran's orbit.
"I can't see how it couldn't be interpreted as a message to Tehran, given that the Saudis are one of their biggest regional enemies," Smyth said.
The leader of the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) group – designated a terrorist organization by the United States – has long sought to change his public image. Sharaa has publicly severed ties with al-Qaeda and sought to present himself as a pragmatic and tolerant leader.
He gave up using his nom de guerre, Abu Muhammad al-Jolani, after overthrowing the Assad government and is aiming to lift sanctions imposed on Syria and rebuild the state after more than a decade of civil war.
Masoud Aflak, a political analyst in the United Arab Emirates, said Sharaa's visit to Saudi Arabia was "an important step" towards lifting Western sanctions, obtaining funds for Syria's reconstruction and establishing security in the era after the fall of Assad.
"The interim president is aware that in order to lift sanctions, Syria needs a state to be its voice on the world stage," he told Radio Free Europe's Radio Farda.
Saudi Arabia's opening to Sharaan is important, as Riyadh sees Islamist movements as an existential threat.
“Saudi Arabia sees an opportunity based on pragmatism when it comes to engaging with Syria,” Smyth said. “Now, the Saudis, along with other countries [including European countries], are testing the waters. They are trying to see what the new chapter in Damascus will be and they have more leverage than under the previous regime.”
Aflak tha se shqetësimi kryesor për sauditët është që të sigurohen që të mos ketë vakum të pushtetit në Siri, të cilin do të mund ta përdornin grupet ekstremiste dhe bashkëpunëtorët e mbështetur nga Irani.
“Paqëndrueshmëria në Siri nuk mund të ndalet vetëm në Siri dhe do të përhapet edhe në shtetet e tjera”, tha Alfak.
Vizita e Sharaas bart edhe një mesazh tjetër, të drejtuar nga aktorët rajonalë sunitë, tha Smyth.
“Po hap dyert për aktorët konkurrues me problemet e tyre gjeopolitike rajonale”, tha ai. “Katari dhe sauditët më vijnë në mendje. Tashmë ka një marrëdhënie me Turqinë. Iranit i është mbyllur dera”.
Edhe Rusia merr një miratim
I vetmi shtet tjetër aleat i Assadit ishte Rusia, që e ka ndihmuar ish-udhëheqësin sirian të mbajë pushtetin përgjatë gjithë sundimit të tij – posaçërisht në vitet pas intervenimit të saj të madh ushtarak më 2015 – dhe e strehoi atë kur u rrëzua nga pushteti.
Për dallim nga Irani, Rusia duket se ka pasur paksa sukses që të krijojë lidhje me sunduesit e rinj të Sirisë. Moska ka mbajtur kontakte me Damaskun dhe madje ka dërguar një delegacion për të biseduar me Sharaan javën e kaluar, me shpresën që t’i shpëtojë bazat e saj ushtarake në Siri.
“Irani tentoi që ta ndryshojë Sirinë në mënyrë thelbësore dhe ishte i hapur për këtë. Në natyrë ishte sektar dhe ideologjik”, tha Smyth. “Rusia, pavarësisht përdorimit të dhunës ndaj civilëve, prapë ishte më shumë pragmatik”.
Smyth shtoi se Rusia “ofron një kundërpeshë më të mirë” për fuqitë perëndimore që po kërkojnë me kujdes të krijojnë raporte me Damaskun.
Megjithatë, teksa ka ndërtuar përgjatë viteve të fundit rrjetin e aleatëve të tij dhe bashkëpunëtorëve rajonalë, Irani ka pak për t’i ofruar Sirisë.
“Edhe nafta e tyre nuk ka shumë vlerë kur lidhjet me Gjirin janë rivendosur”, tha Smyth.
Hapësirë për manovrim?
Siria nën regjimin e Assadit shërbeu si pjesë e rëndësishme e korridorit tokësor që lidh Iranin me Levantin, që konsiderohet si shtylla logjistike e rrjetit të tij të rajonal të përbërë nga aktorë shtetërorë dhe joshtetërorë. Prandaj, humbja e Assadit i ka dhënë një goditje të madhe të ashtuquajturit bosht të rezistencës.
Qeveria iraniane nuk e ka përjashtuar mundësinë e vendosjes së raporteve me qeverinë e Sharaas, teksa ministri i Jashtëm iranian, Abbas Araqchi, ka thënë se Irani mbështet çdo qeveri të zgjedhur nga populli sirian.
Por, ky mesazh është në kundërshtim me deklaratat e bëra nga lideri suprem iranian, Ali Khamenei, i cili muajin e kaluar ofroi mbështetje që “rinia siriane” të ngrihet kundër Sharaas.
Sharaa nuk duket i interesuar që të krijojë raporte me Teheranin. Ai ua ka ndaluar izraelitëve dhe iranianëve që të hyjnë në Siri dhe raportohet se po kërkon kompensim nga Republika Islamike për dëmet e shkaktuara gjatë luftës civile.
Kjo, praktikisht e lë Iranin me një opsion: Të shfrytëzojë raportimet për dhunën fetare nën qeverisin e re të përkohshme për të mbështetur milicitë e armatosura shiite me qëllim që të sfidojë Sharaan.
"They could try to provide support for violence inside Syria. Instability and its creation has always been an option for Iran," Smyth said.
But, given the many challenges facing Iran at home and abroad, this is easier said than done./REL
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