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Does the DP understand the importance of the scandals it denounces?
Alfred Lela
With Ina Zhupa, the spokesperson of the Democratic Party and the candidate for deputy in Tirana, we happened to be invited to a panel with communication specialists, at an event of the European University of Tirana. Each of us went to the podium to see communication from his own angle, she as a party spokesperson I as a journalist, who should open his eyes, like all colleagues, to see where the boundaries with PR and journalism intersect, and how to divide one from the other in the communications that flow like winter streams, from parties, ministries, government, interest groups, business corporations, etc.
I never understood, I reiterated this in the meeting, why the political parties, in our case, mine and Ina's, PD, which has been in opposition since 2013, assumes a role that does not belong to it, reporting corrupt affairs and scandals of government, their interpretation to the public. Entering a territory that is not theirs, but the media's.
There is a race between Democratic Party exponents to seize the rostrum at the party's headquarters and to denounce, often with documents, the affairs of the opponent, in this case, the government. If there is nothing to rebuke, in the sense that one of the tasks of the opposition is to keep the government under control, the delivery, or the mode of distribution, it is lame.
Once a material, however denouncing and appealing, enters the political elaboration of each party, it loses a good measure of credibility. This comes for several reasons, and the first of them are party logos that have lost credibility. The second is the political exponents who double this dive in (dis)credibility.
As soon as party logos and colors appear on the back of a speaker, and as soon as the familiar political face begins to explain a scandal, the latter loses strength and speed. Thus, swept away by the loss of tempo, the scandal is replaced by a pseudo-event and the life of government and corruption continues its open cycle.
The public, while it may be distrustful of the media, is distrustful precisely because it sees it as tied to or dependent on politics. When this addiction lowers the points of the media community, what makes politicians think that exactly those who are accused of committing this 'incest' can be trusted when they undertake to make the news?
The Democratic Party has a clear and strong illustrative case to construct what this editorial is trying to paint. The case of the Great Ring scandal. The paperwork passed from party people and offices to the studio of one of the evening's political shows, and the whirlpool in which the news was introduced made the full round of several weeks and still continues to be a referent when debating government corruption cases.
With a little elaboration, passing the news and its documentation to the media, the DP managed to put it in the spiral of public debate by producing a 'hot potato' to the government which ministers and officials passed hand in hand until they stalled in the hands of the most unlikely.
If you want a more global and influential case, remember the Wikileaks scandal. Of course, Julian Assange could post anything on the Wikileaks site, but he chose the five most powerful newspapers in the world, from America to Germany, England, France, and Spain, passing the full material in thousands of pages, and leaving it to journalists. and editors in hand their selection, interpretation, and publication.
The insistence on being journalists and editors-in-chief of party headquarters, government, and everyone with a Facebook and Twitter account and access to the media, is nothing more than political amateurism and an excursion into selfishness.
The Democratic Party, for purposes related to the construction of an electoral and communicative apparatus, must be the first to emerge from this monologue.