What are those who put Beqja in front of Berisha hiding?

Alfred Lela

The newly opened process against former minister Beqja is being treated by the media and analysts close to the government with strange joy. It is not the first time that the same troubadours show indifference, if not carelessness, for Rama's subordinates led by fate to the prison doors. Underneath this idiom of the language of power sleeps their guarantee that the system is connected to Rama or that Rama is the system. Thus, they do not see severed heads, which, in such a context of centralization of power and the monetary resources associated with it, are nothing more than 'birds that come and go.'

This proves that the system that supports Rama is rotten to the core: everyone is useless, and when they are thrown away, they are neither protected nor remembered by anyone for nothing.

With one exception: to serve as a contrasting tool-I give you an officer, you give me the King- to Sali Berisha.

Ilir Beqja is playing this role.

The defenders of the government do this for the sake of their interests and, secondly, to be in tune with the eccentric populism flying high amongst the public: "The new justice is taking revenge for us, and its sword is cutting on both sides. "

So, the pro-government advocates defend their investment or the guarantees given to them by the Rama system, from which considerable money flows towards them, their media, and their circles.

Second, unity in the misery of populism, more than belonging to the people or playing the role of their defenders, is related to their low and fluctuating intellectual level. Loneliness in the face of the tyranny of the crowd is not easy, and people, for the most part, try to avoid it. Tirana's media is full of shows, where the blood of the fairy tale "so great to be an Albanian" (so being Swedish is terrible), or a pelasgology of imagination that makes the logos (logic) an optional class, not compulsory.  

This gives rise to the distorted Archimedean mirrors, where a Rama official and the head of the opposition are given the same relevance. By definition, an opposition leader always enjoys a special status because he represents a political minority with fewer means and more unfortunate circumstances of protection in countries like Albania. When he is both former President and former Prime Minister, the status is equated with the virtues or flaws of the state as such, and this prism should at least protect him from the 'witch hunt.'

Without going at all into the subject of accusations or suspicions about one and the other.  

The zeal to use Beqja as a standard -this socialist of ours surrenders the office and gives himself to SPAK when their democrat ignores justice- emphasizes what Berisha says. To be treated according to the Constitution, like the other MPs of the SP, or to vote his long-standing request that the MPs and every citizen be investigated without limits and mandate protection. Berisha's challenge is, of course, political, and it was so when it was made, and it is so now, but what other tools does a politician use in politics besides the political? On the other hand, Beqja's heroism tries to show how much he "loves" justice when he surrenders his post, forgetting the main thing: his duty is without a mandate. So, he hasn't given up anything because he has nothing to relinquish. He is an appointed official, not an elected one. He is simply instructed to play the virtuous by handing over…the straw keys.

Thus, Beqja's defense in this line, virtue in the face of Berisha's vice, reveals what the PD chairman seems to claim: the process against him is directed.

The thesis chosen for Beqja reinforces this impression. Not caring about his legal fate or whether he is corrupt proves what the left's inheritance is: the party (system) matters, and leaders (and heads) come and go.

Of course, the leader's head is an exception to this.