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Alfred Lela
The saga of incinerators, the fall of another MP in the network of investigations and accusations, should not be seen as another episode in the political and judicial developments in Albania. Alqi Bllako, a name added to that of Rama's former minister, Lefter Koka, or business partners Klodian Zoto, Mirel Mërtiri, and Stela Gugallja, have ceased to be incidents or sporadic manifestations of state corruption.
Not so much in number, but especially in terms of implications, schemes, amounts in play, interests, trafficking, documentation, written laws, past and violated, prove not a legal offense or some, but a philosophy.
The "release" that Rama makes of himself corrupt, according to some, or distancing himself from them, saying that they should bear the costs and that they have nothing to do with him or the Socialist Party, is a technical justification and departs from the essence.
First of all, it must be said and accepted that the lists are the exclusive will of the leaders of the political parties, in this case, Rama. Who is on the list of deputies, especially those in the winning seats, have in one way or another, both the recognition and the blessing of the party leader. It should be added here that, although it may be alluded to his involvement, as long as there is no evidence, as long as none of the accused speaks in this regard, implicating the prime minister or someone close to him in the government and party hierarchy, it all remains rhetoric. But, another element should be emphasized. Maybe in the form of questions. What happened to the system set up by Rama that produces maestro corruption in high numbers? Especially when he is the leader of the slogan 'it is not man, but the system'. If this was true of Berisha's system, why is it not so true for his? An answer is needed as long as it can no longer be claimed, after 9 years, "Saliu is to blame".
There are two possibilities: either Mr. Rama does not control the system he heads, or he knows what it is, but he is out of control. Not in the sense that the system does not recognize him as a boss, but the creature, its Frankenstein, has grown so much that it has gone beyond even the permitters/sketchers.
The incinerator scheme has re-emphasized two old truths, giving way to neither. The first is the overemphasis on realities, calling them emergencies, in this case, the environment, and the second, is the creation of another pollution, of a corruptive form, emerging from the womb of saving rhetoric.
Rama's language has often created such fables that were on the verge of the apocalypse he thought, spoke, and created the saving mechanism. It has not been lost and failed at all, recalling here the Urban Renaissance, which despite the exaggerations, the aesthetic print where Erseka and Kruja look alike, has worked to create an elegant urban silhouette. The assassination attempt that created the environmental emergency and the creature sketched to solve it, the incinerators, are, however, a dark stain on the three mandates of the Rama Government.
No matter how much, no matter who, the charges and arrests, the documentation, and the traces of the violation lead to the conclusion that it is an extensive operation, which has found omissions within the philosophy of governance.
Add to this that, the waste processing scheme comes from the classic book of politics' relationship with the mafia, the Italian case is the best known, but not the only one. What remains to be discovered in the Albanian case is, not the scheme but the duo. The political implication is clear, with an MP and a former minister under indictment (not forgetting those hiding behind them), but the dilemma is another. Are the defendants 'civilians' in this affair, the mafia, or does it actually not exist, and are the mandated with power playing both roles, both politics and mafia.
The latter would certainly be the worst news and scenario. Certainly the apocalypse.