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New eavesdropping, old habits

New eavesdropping, old habits

Alfred Lela

The behavior of the government, the attempt to make the debate one-way, that is, going and coming only in one direction of the political highway, killing it consequently, shows a lot about the latest file of wiretaps coming from Italy. You can not fail to notice some similarities with a previous case of wiretapping, files 184 and 339, respectively of the elections in Debar and Durres, which were echoed by the German BILD. Prior to that, another set of wiretaps, coming from Italy, examined the Habilaj gang and their links to former Interior Minister Tahiri.

The similarities start with trying to play it down or reducing the contents of the file. Just as the Habilaj brothers and their gang were considered mythomaniacs, that is local offenders who 'opened up' to each other by mentioning big names and potential connections to them, the Italian characters in the file are painted as nothing more than name droppers, people who use the names of celebrities or greats to show the importance of themselves and to deceive others with that importance.

The rulers of Tirana thus become, for several times, victims of 'stagings' by characters from the criminal world, local or foreign. Of course, placing conversations and claims within the context or big picture of things is avoided. For example, the construction boom in Tirana, which corresponds exactly to the time of the file or even 20 percent, a public secret already in Albania, related to the quota that is given a bribe for a construction permit.

Another similarity is the diversion of the scandal with the claim that the characters in the file are in fact connected, not with the current government, but with right-wing politicians. A picture of Nard Ndoka an Italian MEP was circulated as eureka exculpatory to say that, we are not innocent equally with those who accuse us and want us to take place in the government.

Another similarity is the capture of the smallest and insignificant details, and the attempt to describe with them the great appearance, giving the healing generalization. For example, Prime Minister Rama pointed out to use from the Italian file the fact that a Ndrangeta store in Tirana had not been profitable, saying that the mafia in Albania had failed. It’s like saying that an Italian sausage shop of the Gambino family in Little Italy in the ’80s, which provided little profit or came out with a loss, testified to the failure of the mafia in New York.

The other similarity, permanent to say the least, is the use of criminal cases for political consumption, while justice institutions play the deaf and dumb. While they may claim that their bureaucracy is sluggish and silent, this wing of the state must realize that it is in alarming need of immediate public relations. When a matter of justice fluctuates like a ball in front of the judiciary, silence is not the answer. Especially in the case when the accusations do not come as demonstrations of political confrontations, but as investigations of a sister prosecution, the Italian one. If the Italian file has an Albanian chapter, does our prosecution have a 'dog' in this game? Does the subject of this file interest or concern him? Is he in contact with the Italian authorities? In what direction?

A press conference with such details, without touching the secrecy of the investigation, clarifies the public confused by the hail of the two parties, but also honors the judiciary. Our justice may be new or in its renewal streak, but continuing with the old habits does not speak well of it at all.

If it claims to be renewed, it must start with transparency and public relations. With this part of society, it always had strained relations, and as far as politics go, of all sides, we have known for a long time of the oil that flows in those streets and lubricates all the setbacks.

 

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