Tomorrow the elections for the leader of PD, Gjana: If you bring names that are not members of PD will not be allowed in the commission
Graduates do not believe Kushi's statement: You promised us before and you lied to us
Evis Kushi i përgjigjet maturantëve në protestë: Nëse testi e kalon nivelin, do rishikojmë vlerësimin
How will the weather be today and tomorrow
"We want justice", high school graduates sitting cross-legged in front of MASR: To reduce the score for the Mathematics exam or we will boycott the next exam
The tour to (re) maintain the party comes with the risk of eventually killing it
The discussion that Lulzim Basha should take power in the party, then in the government, is old already. From the beginning, this conclusion, based on the assumption that no matter where it goes, the party belongs to Berisha or his shadow, has accompanied the Doctor's successor in the DP.
Many things have changed since 2013. One of them is the fact that he can no longer be called the 'new chairman of the DP'. He has been nominally in charge of this force for 8 years; for another 9 years in active politics, numerology that introduces the 'young man' to the ranks of political veterans.
The eight-year-old at the head of the party was defined by the attempt to establish a formation of his own, based on the seismic left behind by Berisha's departure. Added to this was the impatience shown to him by the beylerbeys of the Grand Vizier, who saw the young Basha as the dawn that was taking from them the fruits of the tree that had ripened their suns.
He expelled the latter, probably with Berisha's blessing. Because it can not be said that the former chairman influences the party in spirit, without even having a hand in overthrowing or raising the characters. The experiment of the first to leave, in 2017, would not have hurt the DP so much, if it had not been intertwined with the experimental-family lists, and with a distorted message campaign resulting from the unclear pact with the prime minister.
The logic used then: Basha had to radicalize him and make his own choices because he wanted to control the party. Let us not forget that even a parliament before, Basha had expelled from the Assembly and put in the tent the deputies inherited from the 'regime' of Berisha, misleading their public profile. Only after a few months would the 'rash extraction' come.
He did it to hold the party, he was told again.
Two years later he rose once again for radicalization when he decided to burn the parliamentary mandates by removing the highest public pedestal from his deputies and allies. With one breath, he ousted the mayors from the local government, cutting off every thread that generated power from the opposition, outside its signature and seal.
Although it has been repeatedly said that the opposition has no power, in the case of its boss this does not stand. He is the second most powerful man in Albania after Edi Rama. His signature is below the decision on the names of almost half of the current parliament. He holds 'hostage', with the same firm, about two hundred men and women, to whom he promises candidacies for the municipalities of the country. Even the media power is not small. With phone calls alone, he has blocked the appearance on the screens of three central television stations, one national and the other of the 24-hour news, of his rivals in the party last week.
So, whenever you hear Basha formulate that the opposition has no power, take it as a mockery.
Such, plotting against himself, even against himself, and especially the hope of the opposition in Albania for a strong and real opposition, comes Lul Basha to the next loss, two weeks ago.
Again he grabbed the guns. He has chosen the path of radicalism. He talked about a tour through Albania to document vote theft. Uses dual language, citing parliament and the possibility of non-entry. Then announces participation. Use for this scheme, unfortunately, two people from the university world, two men who want and know how to do politics honestly, Mark Markun and Agron Gjekmarkaj. To those who at first turned a blind eye to the obscurity of the protests, precisely because they know the nerve of honesty, and after serving as the sounding board of this threatening message, were told: 'Come out, boys, come out, that you are young, no you know them all '. As Ramiz Alia students in 1990.
In the end, whatever it is, whatever it goes, it is the same, Basha. The pantomime artist of Rama's stories. A Lul Gump of our political village who sees PD and life as a box of chocolates where 'you never know what you gonna get.
The rest of us know. What will emerge, even this time, Luli's old box of traps is the old theme. The tour is done to (re) hold the party. And so it will be next time. He can hold and keep the party, but not win it. Because an unsacrificed thing cannot be earned. Or that the fate of free riders is final.
There is also a danger: trying to keep him from killing, eventually.