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Rama and the three Resolutions

Rama and the three Resolutions

Alfred Lela

Three resolutions in 30 days are a triumphant triumvirate for the Democratic Party and three blows to Edi Rama's government.

Said this way, it seems like an exaggeration, but if it looks like one, it only has to do with the fact that the DP has long been lacking the good news coming from Western envoys or chancelleries.

The resolutions adopted by the EPP-European People's Party, CDI-Democratic Center Parties, and IDU-International Democratic Union are each in themselves and all three together, of high Resolution, not only on the issues and struggles that the opposition has raised over the last three years but also on the fundamental crises of Albania.

The resolutions' direction is opposite to the official rhetoric that Edi Rama defends and elaborates on, both inside and outside Albania. They say what the DP has been trumpeting for a long time, but they can neither be evaluated nor devalued because the Democratic Party says so.  

Of course, they are political positions of the DP, but they also become positions of these three major world political organizations when they approve them. We can only imagine Rama's reaction to these international spotlights on the state established by him and Rilindja. Still, if we base it on his response to one of the resolutions by the EPP, we get his discomfort. The Prime Minister sent a letter to the head of the EPP, Weber (Dear Manfred!), asking the EPP not to proceed with the draft resolution, that is, not to approve it. As usual, Rama did not see the problem in himself and his government but in the outdated and infantile paradigm, 'it's Saliu's fault.' You already know what Mr. Weber did in response to Rama's plea-threat. Not only did the EPP pass the Resolution, but the right-wing and center parties unanimously approved two others, even harsher ones. Both of these demanded what the opposition has long seen as a solution to the political-social-electoral crisis: a transitional government.

The resolutions are essentially an alarm about the collapse of the state led by Rama, a kind of anti-state built on four sinking pillars: the connections of crime with the government/politics/police, facade elections, captured judiciary/institutions, and the political persecution of the opposition.

This is the high-resolution view of Albania's situation; it is the essence of the three international resolutions of the center—and right-wing parties, which govern half the world, from Italy to the United States of America.

Now, the government has to position itself in the face of these resolutions, not as Rilindja of clans and factions, but as the Socialist Party of Albania. Rama's permanent course is that whoever criticizes him and the government has insulted the flag and Albania. This does not produce solutions, but the ostrich course, hiding the head and sticking the butt out.

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