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Are there more SP deputies, and how will the 2 old parties fare in the new elections?

Alfred Lela
The arrest of the socialist deputy Jurges Çyrbja is not only the next signal for the complete form of decriminalization of the former Socialist Party, baptized Rilindja by Edi Rama, but also a reappearance of the stupid hypocrisy, both of a part of the political commentary, but also of public opinion on what is called 'opportunities of the opposition,' or its spirit, and so on.
I'm talking about the BUT of broken minds that, like an Archimedean eureka, occurs in every television or coffee shop conversation when, as soon as two bad lines about government scandals are spoken, what has already turned into a cold weapon of killing the debate, the thought, but also the whole discourse and the political process: "The government is not good, but the opposition too..."
This alarm is even more potent than the call to prayer in Arabic of the new mosque in Tirana, especially now. At this point in the political season, we talk about open lists, the chances of new politicians, social influences, equal and fair competition in the expected elections, and so on.
The discredited interceptions of the Encrochat and Sky ECC platforms have revealed with both vehemence and majesty that there are no more elections in Albania. The profile of the preferred deputy is the local uneducated (in the most 'educational' case with acquired degrees), with legal offenses, etc., but supported by the gangs of the area. We have seen this demonstration of strength and misery at the same time in Krujë, Durrës, Lezhë, Shkodër or Pukë. When you hear these names of Gegnia, don't let the sweet drool of provincialism lead you to the stupid conclusion, 'Of course, the northerners, that's how they are, and that's how they prefer.' The opposite is true: these political profiles, from Durrës to Kukës, have been and remain Edi Rama's socio-political engineering. He did not have the same need for Tuscany because the deep South, Labëria and Bregu especially, have been traditionally left-wing areas - history plays a role in the political current -the partisan brigades were born in these areas. Here, the dictatorship was supported by the cadres high for 45 years.
If you notice, Rama has kept the criminal element in the South close, but only in a supporting role - never in the front line, supplying himself with parliamentary candidates and political leaders of the areas or deeply communist families or businessmen.
Beyond this x-ray of the North-South body politic, the question for the political commentary remains: How can the traditional opposition—that is, PD or the new parties of the Qori-Lapaj type—compete both in the South and in the North with a supporting infrastructure of these typologies? How can candidates for opposition MPs, from the untried part, committed intellectuals, people who have never been ministers, MPs, directors, and high officials, face a political-criminal superstructure?
This time, too, the confrontation will be between the terrible ones of the Renaissance and the "barely pushed" typology of the DP. In the middle of this impossible and decorative sandwich will be the untried typology of the new parties, no more than the spices that make democracy seem somewhat functional and the permanent offerings like medium rare steak for the appetite of everyone in the army of voters from South to North.
Edi Rama, of course, has started the operation to remove himself from the narrative that he has criminalized politics and elections. The "Deputy we want" platform has this goal: his list will be sprinkled with helenas, as we saw in the last Assembly of the SP. Naivety instead of criminality will be Edi Rama's new electoral uber-offer. But remember the first phase of 'decriminalization.' The MPs that the CM promoted as local leaders, taking them from the ranks of the strong in the areas, after they fell into the clutches of decriminalization - an exclusive DP initiative - did not retire politically but turned into ex officio political leaders. They remained in the areas playing all the strings, controlling the hirings and tenders, drug trafficking, and murders. Total control through terror.
Don't be as naive as the helenas of his world. He will use the same strategy this time as well. Is there an exit? It cannot be an exorcism, but a solution, even a partial one, comes from the introduction of two elements into the political process: the establishment of the parliamentary Truth Commission to identify and cut the links between politics and crime and a technically neutral government that enables relatively free and equal elections.
Every old road, with the new neons of the Hellenes of Rama, is a safe path to the abyss, the final surrender of the political process in Albania to a policy that serves as a legitimizing showcase for crime.
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