Director of German foundation: EU is turning a blind eye to Rama's autocracy on asylum centers

In an analysis published in one of the most prestigious German magazines, the director of the German Friedrich Ebert Foundation in Tirana, Katharina Hofmann De Maura, raises the alarm that the European Union is turning a blind eye to the autocracy of Prime Minister Edi Rama. The reason? The agreement with Italy to set up asylum centers in Albania, which she says has turned the country into a strategic partner for the EU even if it means tolerating state capture and links to organized crime.

Full analysis

Edi Rama is not only the recently re-elected prime minister of Albania, but also an artist, former culture minister and former mayor of Tirana. He knows how to stage politics psychologically and visually – and he uses this talent deliberately. He is a master at presenting his country abroad as progressive and EU-friendly. At the recent summit of the European Political Community in Tirana, he knelt on the red carpet in front of Giorgia Meloni – currently the most powerful woman in Europe. Rama knows why: the gesture was calculated – Albania wants to join the European Union at all costs and is currently considered the most promising candidate. The opening of the first group of EU enlargement negotiations in October 2024 and the promise of membership by 2030 have caused enthusiasm. Four more groups are expected to open this year – a kind of “high-speed integration”. The Albanian population strongly supports membership and sees itself in every respect as part of the Western alliance – Albania is a member of NATO. This is of great value at a time of weakening geopolitical and economic power in Europe, especially in the context of the war in Ukraine.

Pak para samitit, më 11 maj, u zhvilluan zgjedhjet parlamentare në Shqipëri – një ngjarje që mori relativisht pak vëmendje nga publiku evropian. Megjithatë, rezultati ishte i jashtëzakonshëm: Edi Rama dhe Partia e tij Socialiste fituan zgjedhjet me 53 për qind të votave dhe siguruan 83 nga 140 vendet në Kuvend. Rama ndodhet kështu më i fortë se kurrë më parë në qendër të pushtetit të këtij vendi të vogël me vetëm dy milionë banorë. Në katër vitet e ardhshme do të sqarohet nëse BE do të pranojë një lider autokratik “light” apo një “stabilokrat” nga Ballkani brenda radhëve të saj. Ka argumente pro dhe kundër kësaj. Por Edi Rama ka një kartë në dorë: një zgjidhje të mundshme për dilemën emigratore evropiane. Qendrat jashtëterritoriale të dëbimit të Italisë në Shqipëri krijojnë një precedent për zhvendosjen e procedurave të azilit në një vend partner të BE-së. Italia dhe Shqipëria kanë një histori të gjatë bashkëpunimi migrator. Në vitet 1990, Shqipëria postkomuniste përjetoi një valë masive emigracioni, ndër të tjera edhe drejt Italisë. Italia ndihmoi shqiptarët e varfër dhe kështu lindi një marrëdhënie që Rama e quan “miqësi historike”. Mbi këtë bazë, procedurat e azilit pritet të zhvendosen nga Italia në Shqipëri.

Marrëveshja dypalëshe i lejon Italisë të transferojë deri në 36.000 persona në vit në dy qendra në Shqipëri, të cilat do të menaxhohen nga Italia, për të shqyrtuar kërkesat e tyre për azil – sipas planit. Kjo marrëveshje u promovua nga mbështetësit e saj si një zgjidhje "jo konvencionale" për problemin e migracionit të parregullt, por ajo përmban rreziqe të mëdha ligjore dhe të të drejtave të njeriut. Me gjithë shqetësimet se strehimi i emigrantëve nga vende të treta mund të bie ndesh me Kushtetutën shqiptare dhe të drejtën ndërkombëtare, marrëveshja u ratifikua në të dy vendet. Qeveria e djathtë italiane e përshëndeti këtë si një "hap historik". Institucionet e BE-së u informuan, por nuk morën pjesë në marrëveshje.

Transferimet e para ndodhën në tetor 2024: një anije e marinës italiane solli 16 emigrantë në Shqipëri. Sipas ligjit italian, çdo ndalim i kërkuesve të azilit duhet të miratohet nga një gjykatës; gjykatësi përkatës refuzoi dhënien e miratimit. Italia kishte klasifikuar vendet e origjinës së emigrantëve – Bangladeshin dhe Egjiptin – si "të sigurta", gjë që mundëson një procedurë të shkurtuar azili. Por vetëm dy javë më parë, Gjykata Evropiane e Drejtësisë kishte vendosur se një vend nuk mund të konsiderohet "i sigurt" nëse ka përjashtime. Duke iu referuar këtij vendimi, gjykata në Romë e shpalli procedurën e përshpejtuar, të paligjshme. Kërkuesit e azilit u hoqën nga procedura e përshpejtuar jashtë territorit dhe u përfshinë në procedurën e zakonshme të azilit në Itali. Një goditje e rëndë për Giorgia Melonin dhe për Edi Ramën.

The Italian government immediately appealed the court’s decision and tried to adapt the legal framework. But in subsequent cases of transfers – at the end of 2024 and in January 2025 – the Italian courts also refused to allow a total of 73 asylum seekers to stay in Albania. Within a few days, they were returned to Italy.

At the end of March 2025, Meloni announced that Albanian structures would in future be used as detention centres for deportation of people whose applications for protection in Italy had already been rejected. With this change, 40 men of various nationalities arrived in Albania in April – all with a final rejection decision. Under Italian law, they can be held in detention for up to 18 months, until their deportation is carried out.

For the first time, an EU member state is transferring rejected asylum seekers to a third country that is neither a country of origin nor a country of transit. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen welcomed the pact between Italy and Albania as an example of "fair sharing of responsibilities" between the EU and partner countries.

Meloni’s staying in power depends on managing immigration. She won the election campaign on the promise of stopping illegal immigration to Italian shores – but so far has had no visible successes. Edi Rama could help her win again, and in return, she could help him fulfill his electoral promise – EU membership.

This membership, in the current state of Albania, is by no means self-evident, because the country’s institutional weaknesses are pronounced. The arrest of the mayor of Tirana in February was a very dark moment for the ruling Socialist Party (SP). Erion Veliaj – a member of the SP leadership and close to Rama – was accused by SPAK of corruption and organized crime and was arrested. He is accused of taking bribes on nine occasions, money laundering and concealing income.

Reports from well-known international organizations prove that Albania is a "center" of international organized crime, and in this regard, its geographical position plays a central role.

Albania's access to the Adriatic and global maritime trade flows creates the conditions for illicit trade. In particular, cocaine from Ecuador is identified as a source of income for Albanian criminal networks. This money is laundered in the construction sector, which becomes visible to the population in the form of modern, but often uninhabited, buildings – and leads to surreal real estate prices.

Fuel and food prices are also high, while wages remain low. Booming tourism is positive for the economy, but it also brings rising prices and creates few jobs for locals.

Social security remains weak – a crucial indicator for EU enlargement, which has so far not been met.

Moreover, the country is facing a dramatic “brain drain.” Educated young people in particular are leaving – a loss of human capital that is self-reinforcing: without doctors, nurses and other professionals, the quality of life declines further. Albania may be politically on the path to Europe, but economically, socially and in terms of the rule of law it is in a severe test – and thus on shaky ground for credible EU membership.

But in times of political agreements like Trump's, the loss of domestic credibility and the standards of the rule of law are losing more and more importance. In Europe too, the "one hand washes the other" logic dominates: The pact between Giorgia Meloni and Edi Rama follows this model. Immigration becomes a political tool for exchange, and international norms are interpreted flexibly. Likewise, the new German government in the coalition agreement on EU enlargement has only said that the reform of the unanimity principle should have priority. However, it has not been explained how this reform can be implemented.

For Albania, it remains only to offer itself as a solution-oriented partner in the field of migration policy, in order to enable entry into the EU. What happens to people and how the interpretation of international law becomes implicit is something that seems to be acceptable. The irony of the Albanian course is peculiar and bitter: A country that itself suffered from mass emigration now accepts other immigrants – not for humanitarian reasons, but for geopolitical calculations. The formula is as follows: Others must leave the EU so that we can enter.