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Which PD belongs to Basha and which to Berisha?

Which PD belongs to Basha and which to Berisha?

Alfred Lela

Presidents and former branch presidents, deputies and former deputies, former ministers and a former president, local pezzo grosso, appear, meeting after meeting, in the Berisha Pulpit. The first impression this provides beyond any doubt is that Basha thrives at the helm of the Democratic Party, but does not own it.

Which party does Basha have then?

First the seal party, in an almost presidential organization where all decisions, even when taken by the forums, end somewhere with the will of the chairman. Such a party is hard to get, from the outside or from the inside.

Secondly the party of structures. Basha has, in the local branches and in the forums at the center, direct supporters or sponsorships of himself and his people trusted in the party or family. In these instances, meanwhile, a war has begun, for the time being silent, between the withdrawn bassists and the attacking berishists. The balance can change depending on the great political conjuncture or the bias of what seems like victory or loss. But one thing seems clear: The doctor has the loyalists, Basha has the interested ones. It is known who is safest in frontal collisions.

The latter, the stakeholders, also form a third band on the side of the bashist clan, that of the supposedly pro-Americans. They are mostly cowardly characters, who do not see in America the ideas of freedom, but the conjuncture of the stick and the carrot. Some of them are also intellectually and spiritually deficient because they remember that riding on the American bandwagon makes them relevant, interesting, politically sensitive, to put it in Albanian.

The fourth band at Basha's party are the ideologues. This includes both the Catholic Agron Gjekmarkaj and the Islamist Fitim Zekthi. Both have entered the battle with the illusion that they are not serving the president, but are creating an ideological bed where he can support the platform of confrontation with Berisha. So, to play the game of the thinker, who does not deal with people and fates, nor are they interested, but with ideas, legacies, and futures, and only through these plains of the mind do they meet rivals, Basha and Berisha. This is also a way to be with Basha, but without categorically rejecting Berisha. I do not know how intellectually solid this is, since public intellectuals are such that they are categorized as belonging to an idea and inflate all the bullshit, without compromise, in support of it.

The fifth in Basha's light infantry are new inflows or investments of his time which, surprisingly, come in bulk from a private university in Tirana. This includes the two Grida Duma-Ervin Salianji and the deputies of Vlora Ina Zhupa and Arbi Agalliu. These can be considered as UET-party, although already the relationship with the former promoter has cooled considerably; for reasons of character, not principle.

This group is not only outlined through these four names but represents Basha's attempt to model his own party. This is where Basha's ties lie most strongly, both because part of them hold those positions from the direct investment of the mayor, and because part of them are afraid of leaving Basha, already on good terms with the US Embassy. This is because they have lawsuits still open, or shadows of compromising materials from the past. They conspire as pro-Americans and these 'loves' flow through the newspapers, not because America tells them anything, but because it scares them.

Apparently, Basha is not sure about the party and he has to juggle, not only the insecurities of these five bandages but also to constantly swallow the boat that enters the water, every time Berisha opens a hole in it. The more public and private meetings.

All this, in the context when Berisha has not yet gone to war. The rostrum continues to be a conductor of messages and signals, a pre-contour of what the clash might be like, but not the war itself.

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