Flash News

Result/ PS wins for the first time in Paskuqan

Over 93% of ballot boxes are counted, how are the results of the counting? The counting for the diaspora also continues

Counting ends in Kukës district, DP wins 2 mandates

Egnatia is declared champion of Albania, ending Vllaznia's 24-year dream

DP leads in Kavaja against SP

OP-ED

Berisha (III) as a product of the counter-revolution

Politiko 2022-05-23 16:20:16

Berisha (III) as a product of the counter-revolution

Alfred Lela

Sali Berisha utters the term 'revolution' almost with a smirk. Not that he does not return the echo, but he knows that, both conservative and revolutionary, do not go. All for the fact that he himself was the product, not of revolutions, but of three counter-revolutions in political life. In 1990, when the Marxist-Leninist-Enver proletarian revolution was breathing in the very ruins of the Berlin Wall and the 'end of history, he was put in charge of the counter-revolution. Within a few months, he was transformed, from one of the few vocal intellectuals of the capital's elite, into one of the leaders of the new opposition, emerging from the socio-political crater of the Student Movement. Charisma and energy were enough to pull him off the shortlist at the top gun, in the newly formed Democratic party. The rest is history.

The revolution is distinguished by the habit of persecuting Sali Berisha. The year 1997, even if he counts in the chaos of his conception the mistake of allowing pyramid schemes, came as if to say that the counter-revolution of '90 -'92 was not as negotiated, as some commentators claim. The Public Rescue Committees, where many characters of the communist ancien regime nested, overthrew Berisha, but at the same time gave him a lifeline in politics. He was once again put in charge of the counter-revolution, remaining the first in a disbanded Democratic Party that won just over 20 seats in the '97 election, and became the sandwich between a diverse coalition of all possible. by the former president. After eight long years of counter-revolution, abandoned or betrayed by many, but not by energy or charisma, Sali Berisha came to the shores of 2005 as the only alternative against a super-corrupt socialist caste. Assisted, both by the operation of re-establishing the image, but also by the disruption of the left, he returned to power for the second time, this time as prime minister. As such, it survived two terms, the first of which is held as the best four years in the government of Albania in transition. At the end of the second, he lost his left ally, Ilir Meta, which he did not release after a wiretapping scandal. The 700 thousand euros of 'Prifti wiretapping', which was also brought on January 21, after the SP revolution attempt, today, in the light of the corrupt acts of the 'Rama government', seem like pocket money.

Berisha fell in 2013, with 'a million slaps' and resigned. A revolution in the palace of justice, designed with American pathos, sponsorship of the Soros Foundation, and American insistence, became the main narrative of the government and the counter-narrative of the Doctor, who had resigned from the leadership of the PD, but no, as he himself said: " by Sali Berisha ”. His efforts to keep a counter-revolution afloat, not as a scheme against reform, nor a rejection of the need for it, but as a political reading of the oversight that Rama's seizure of justice would give, also brought about his political return. As in '97, it took a cold American hand to try to politically neutralize the former prime minister and president. In a non-grata by Anthony Blinken it seemed that, as some anti-Berisha commentators were enthusiastic, it would end the protracted Albanian transition.

That did not happen. The transition continues, but not as Berisha's fault. The attempt to take political and cultural Albania not by process, but by revolution, has always produced distortions. Among other things, is the current political landscape, where the opposition is invested and discouraged, both internally and externally. Part of it is the attempt to simulate the film opposition, both with the court and with the embassy.

The shelf of the political history of these 30 years is full of skeletons of such oppositions.

The return of Sali Berisha for the third time as a terrible infant of transition and of the right does not automatically mean revenge and triumph of the counter-revolution. But, a return to normalcy is. The un-simulated political situation should be understood as normal, just to create the idea of dichotomy, confrontation, or democracy itself.

Maybe Sali Berisha can never return the DP to power but bring back the dichotomy. And this is the first condition for the normalization of the political process. Not forgetting the fact that American non grata comes to the political back of Sali Berisha with the crucifixion of a sacrifice. As troublesome as the "belated democratic revolution" of 1997. And sacrifice is what draws people to leaders.