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SPAK's operation as a Las Vegas wedding

SPAK's operation as a Las Vegas wedding

Alfred Lela

From the beginning, what should be said about the great uproar over 50 arrest warrants and flaming applause for SPAK is that the criminal file on which these mandates are based is bigger and more sensational than the action of the Special Prosecutor's Office and also than the shock itself.
The file should not be read as a criminal novel—the trend observed in the political and media debate—but as a complete autopsy of Albania's social and political body. I know it is too much to say and ask for this from prosecutors, journalists, or Albanian politicians, but that does not mean the alarming need does not call.
The file of 240 pages, which circulates among journalists and other hands of threads and knowledge, unfolds the picture, not of criminal Albania but of political Albania. SPAK does not consider this size at all. I don't know if it is due to ignorance, ignorance, or partiality, but in no moment and thought does the consciousness flash that, between the bloody clash of the gangs and the state, introduced as an actor in this clash, there is a big difference.
This difference is the solution for today and tomorrow, not the soap opera with Dur Bami, Marklen Haka, Ervis Martinaj, and Mil Shullazi. The presence of the state in the criminal labyrinth is so strong that it makes criminals seem almost sympathetic characters. I, or any citizen, do not care what Markleni and Duri do. Still, we are very interested, for life or death, in what the police, the prosecutor, the judge, and the deputy do, who are tasked with restricting, punishing, and contrasting the Ervis and their ilk. When you see that the first and the second come together against some thirds, we cannot and should not understand that this is a war between gangs, or as KM says, 'they eat their heads,' but that one day, sooner or later, party or victim in this bloody clash can be any of us.
The dossier's second unaddressed but dramatic dimension is the involvement of crime in elections. The accusations or suspicions lined up for the criminal characters of the file include attempted murder, weapon possession, cultivation or trafficking of narcotics, etc. The involvement of the same individuals in the electoral headquarters of the SP, in the commissions, or the "ready groups" of threats and manipulation of the last elections or once before is not photographed in any case. When you cross the names SPAK has in the criminal file, with the denunciations collected in about 600 pages of the "Black Book of Elections," published by the Democratic Party, you see that almost all were protagonists of electoral manipulation alongside Edi Rama. Why doesn't SPAK see this? Do you think election crime is less important? If so, here is an axiom for them: when the citizen loses the right to choose and be chosen, in freedom and without interference, in a democracy, all other rights are nullified. SPAK became a distorted institution because it was appointed on illegitimate premises, stemming from manipulated voting processes.
The dilemma arises: why does SPAK avoid electoral crime as part of the repertoire of criminal groups that it has scanned and for which it has issued arrest warrants? This institution's record is repetitive in this regard: the Special Prosecutor's Office once avoided the investigation of the elections, in the case of files 184 and 339, passing it on to local prosecutors. I'm avoiding it again. And the things that are missed or avoided speak louder than what is shouted to the heavens. This is the case with the uproar over 50 warrant arrests, which resemble an incognito wedding in Las Vegas. When a man and a woman 'tie the knot' in a casino chapel, the ceremony serves only for the memories, for the Instagram, for the adrenaline. Still, it does not enter the legal records of the state of Nevada or the couple's probation. Who needs to go to a true town and a like-minded church? Even SPAK cannot do the "ceremony" with "couples" from Dubai or Las Vegas and expect legitimation.
It is in Tirana that counts, that kills the elections, the political process, and SPAK's very image.


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