You can cheer Enver and Ed, but Albania pays the tribute

Alfred Lela

The complex of Kosovars and other Albanian peoples in the Balkans with Enver Hoxha was once justified during the 1970s- 80s and also in the early 90s, when Albania opened up, but the terror in Yugoslavia increased.

In this complex, you could find the longing of Albanians beyond Londonian Albania for a homeland to be proud of, a country that replaced their lost homeland, a pater familias that could be harsh, so to speak. Still, it belonged to 'our' language and blood, not to that of Yugoslavia.

This role was played by Enver Hoxha, who was forgiven for selling Kosova several times in the interests of his power but worshiped for his empty propaganda statements, in which he entered into an imaginary war with Belgrade.

Although several decades have passed and historical documentation has already proven the dictator's 'love' for Kosova, there are still islands of veneration for him in Kosova, the Diaspora, or elsewhere. Psychologically, such an instinctive attachment to emissaries of evil is universal. There are still Hitlerites in Germany.

The Albanian world, namely that of the Balkans that is repeated in our communities in the Diaspora, has not come out of such a coma.

A few weeks ago, Behgjet Pacolli, a Kosovar politician with several decades of activity in the Diaspora - as if he had come out of the 80's eulogy for Enver Hoxha - showered Edi Rama with a flood of praise. Despite Rama's record, his temptation to bypass Kosovo and its government, to create a connection with Belgrade through the "Open Balkans," the disregard - if not contempt for the Kosovar leadership - insert here Rama's consideration for Pacolli as 'king of kitsch, for the businessman transformed into a senior politician and part of the governing elites of Kosovo, the Prime Minister of Albania was the "best of all time."

Let's assume this is accurate, but with Rama still alive, it seems more like a calculation of interest or a personal point of view than a historical assessment. More than that, with this emphasis, Pacolli does in Albania what Rama does in Kosova, which is the uninvited entry into the political balances of Tirana. Kosovar Albanians, let alone the politicians who change places in the government, should be more cautious in their hyperbolism about the "legendary leaders" of this side of the border. Also, such attitudes have been refuted by history once in the case of Hoxha. Enveriada cannot continue in conditions of freedom; otherwise, it expresses a serf's spirit.

Just as public and out of place, such intervention was made by compatriots in the Diaspora two days ago in Staten Island through the "Ulqini Association." An organization with such a name and focus, the community of Ulcinians and Albanian malësors in Montenegro, is within its right to call and host Mr. Rama for any topic related to the nation, from books, language, schools, the opportunity for the Albanian consulate in New York to help the Albanians of Montenegro, and so on. However, when the topic is the upcoming parliamentary elections in Albania and the vote of the Diaspora, and when the gathering wears red and black but has a 'socialist' agenda, we are in open violation of good compatriotism. It allows an honorable community like that of Albanians of Montenegro, patriotic and wise, to be used as an electoral stunt.

It confuses the nation's flag and symbols with a transitory ruler of Tirana and dresses the second with the first, as if Rama's hyperbole was not strung enough in Albania. The Albanians of Kosova and the other three Albanian-speaking countries in the Balkans, or those in the Diaspora, must kill the inner Hoxha.

History has spoken about the dictator's good and bad deeds. The repetition of the Hoxha syndrome with Edi Rama, in favorable conditions for freedom, information, and national balances, does not help Albania, but only the prime minister's political power.

If nothing else, the fact that even in the countries whose citizenship the Albanians of the Diaspora hold, Montenegro, Kosovo, etc., elections are held with acceptable standards, while in Edi's Albania, not at all, should put everyone in the position of those who value the other's freedom to choose as their own. When the other is a fellow countryman, any double standard is criminal.  

Ultimately, Edi and Enver can be adored, but always consider those who shoulder their burden.

Comparisons are lame in any case, but in Tirana, among the right-wing nationalist parties, neither Tito nor Slobodan has been well-spoken of.

For Dushan [Mugosha] and [Alexander] Vucic, yes, but always on the side of the party of Enver and Edi.