OP-ED

The production of the Foltore that Basha should be afraid of

The production of the Foltore that Basha should be afraid of

Alfred Lela

Media reports, and especially off-camera communications with exponents of the Democratic Party branches, make Sali Berisha's statement Tuesday night in the Dibra Folklore credible. About 70 percent of the National Assembly signatures are collected. Such a number, even if it does not move the mechanism that allows Berisha 'revenge' through forums, challenging Basha & Friends, does another thing, which in politics, especially the current one, moves at the speed of light, driven by perception and image, it matters a lot: Creates symbolism.

He tells the public, both the democrat and the neutral or socialist that Basha has the stamp, but Berisha has the people.

There are attempts every night, in our studios, to devalue one box in favor of the other, but what can be said about both is that one protects you at the court doors, but the other brings the court of public opinion to your gates.

Basha has to do the calculations, not with Sali Berisha as a political dinosaur, but with the symbolism that Foltorja is generating. Not with the support of Ambassador Kim, but with the removal of support from the Democratic base. Of course, Mr. Basha is right when he talks about sludge. Partly right. If Berisha says that 2/3 of the parliamentarians have thrown their signatures, it can be said that 2/3 of those who come and pray at his rostrum are not sludge. You can see in the portraits, words, and political judgments that they are ordinary Albanians. Maybe not well articulated, but real.

It is this dimension of symbolism, the truthfulness (or, if you wanted, even its simulation), that is helping Berisha's Speech. Since America is in the middle of this Democratic family drama, perhaps a comparison with America would be worth it. Basha and Berisha are like Jeff Bush and Donald Trump in the Republican primary campaign of the first 6 years. The first is careful and taut, like a wire on a pole, and the second is abrasive, noisy, and full of purpose. The popularity of the latter and subsequent victory is already part of the American political anthology.

I emphasize this difference, not to equate Berisha and Trump in profile, but to say that the Democrats seem to be obsessed with Basha's styleless style, just as the Americans with the politically correct, with the wooden language, the artificial vocabulary of the mainstream politicians- it on both sides like Jeff Bush, John Kerry, or others.

Berisha, with Foltoret, has breathed new life into the comatose body of politics. We may disagree with some of his political traits, but we must acknowledge and declare that he returns as a missing genre of politics. Which has nothing to do with the way he is, but with the return of a reminiscence, of awareness that Rama must be defeated, he can. The political process is subject to reminiscences and Berisha seems to benefit from this. People remember when Rama was tormented by Doktori then in power and erected the biggest tent in Boulevard with a hunger strike in it where Elisa Spiropali played the Joan of Arc, or the chorus of the political Carmina Burana 'open the ballot boxes, or leave! '.

To return to Foltorja and its by-product for the Democratic camp, symbolism again comes to our aid. Through two shows. Imagine the day when 2/3 of the firms go public and talk about a democratic people who 'do not know' their president. The mayor can resist, adhering to what he said himself, that he does not leave the leadership of the DP if God has not decided to take him.

But, the pulpit with 2/3 can be moved to the PD yard. What would such an action mean for the chairman of a party that has the square in front of the headquarters full of people who prejudge his decisions and do not recognize his status? An opposition leader who has been leading crowds for 8 years shouting 'Rama go!' and now he has to face the crowd that once led and proclaimed 'Basha go!'.

Ambassador Kim is on her side, but I do not believe, even if she asks them, that the Marines would be deployed to clear the yard of a party that has the chairman on paper, but not in the calls of the squares.

As a counterweight, Basha has to create his own symbolism. The political chants of his supporters in the studios, that "we like Berisha, but we love America more, who has declared him a devil", will burn incense.

As sons of history, we need to know: it has never happened that a leader has risen, or fallen, except taken up or down by the power of a symbol.

Berisha seems to have his own. Basha is looking for him in all the wrong places. Hoti serpentines, for example.  

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