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Marcel Lela
Radicals always remain a difficult group to manage: they move faster than they think and guess that only movement is thought. In the Democratic Party, this is an even more paradoxical situation, because the big consumer, if not the only one, of movement and thought, is Berisha. Not only in the sense that everyone expects him to be, like Alexander cutting the Gordian knot, and Aristotle configuring the world after cutting it.
Sali Berisha has been engaged in a thinking process since the July 7 protest, which was one of the most massive that he has organized in his political life. And, love him or hate him, he remains one of the greatest rallying men in this country.
As part of the thinking process, he engaged in 'dialogue with society', mostly with small tables, ranging from 10-20 people. By nature, protests are monologues: there is no direct exchange of thoughts, but exalted emotional states. If you notice, both the speeches and the receptions given to them are dominated by ecstasy. This was also seen in the speeches on July 7, where many of the speakers seemed to be out of their bodies, spluttering nervously in the hot, humid air of the July 7 evening.
After gathering that human body, Berisha talked about more protests in the fall, but implied, not promised. He was rightly pleased with that popular response, which, clearly, made him again one of the two most important, influential and popular politicians in Albania. Coming from eight years off power and managing to mass such support is spectacular in itself. To give everyone a chance, the crowd was not all Berisha's, there were those dissatisfied with the government and angry with an empty opposition under Mr. Basha. But Berisha remains the only one who can amplify and transport this social condition.
When the radicals demanded unstoppable protests, Berisha invented 'unstoppable strikes', when they were not happy with 'meetings with few people, Berisha declared that he would sit down with just one person for a conversation. The best case for this was served by Martin Jaku, a villager from Tarina e Fushë-Kruja, isolated on his gentle hill that sees both Kruja and the Adriatic as if he were one of those Albanians left there since time immemorial. of Skanderbeg.
His conversation with Berisha was one of the most outstanding moments of political communication in Albania during the last 30 years. A poor man who lives in a container after the collapse of his house in the earthquake three years ago conceived and formulated politically more clearly than 90 percent of the deputies of the Parliament of Albania.
What stands in the way of the radicals' insistence on unstoppable protests is that the DP under Basha was constantly engaged in such a process. In the end, he won nothing and lost everything. After offering 'our bodies', Basha delivered into the hands of the enemy, but also of the democratic electorate, the body of a party that had become a sieve in the battles of futility.
Does such a tactic become a good strategy? If Berisha is expected to be radicalized to the point of no return, i.e. tension of the situation on the verge of a collision, it is not only useless but also a trap. Berisha cannot put his senatorial head in the frame that others, old and new opponents, expect of him: of a radical who lets his 'people' slide into violence for political purposes. The number of those who were waiting for such a Berisha was large. The bitterness they received was visible in the evening television studios.
Radicals do not mean evil, they simply interpret an inner desire. In his opinion, Berisha does not need them, in his radicalism he does. An alternative to this has been offered, for example, by Andi Mustafaj in an article in Politiko. Instead of radicalism, he proposes radicality. They sound the same, but they are completely different. Between them lies the process of thinking, or reasoning.
Despite what is being thought, Berisha seems to be preparing the opposition for the next protest. He already has the small parties on his back, which cannot build without PD. Surely, the next protest will be even louder than July 7. With the primaries looming, a first-time thing that calls for full energy, the question is: what comes after the October protest, and where do radicalism and radicality begin to blow the horns of dissent?
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