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A feature of Berisha's rallies not talked about

A feature of Berisha's rallies not talked about

Marsel Lela

It seems that Sali Berisha has to please more than himself with the series of protests, with the language of communication to increase the number of participants in them, but also to 'control' those who do not take part in the protests, do not support them, but that doesn't stop them from demanding a lot from them and the organizers.
It must be said at the outset that, among all the protests, which I think are six, July 7 has been the largest and most effective. The rally reconfirmed Sali Berisha as Edi Rama's rival in the race for prime minister, finally dethroning L. Basha and returning the old Berisha-Rama rivalry.
The confirmation of Berisha as the leader of the opposition happened not only to show something to the democrats, socialist opponents, or even the internationals but to herald a new season of resistance, which would likely be either a return to the Doctor's old rhetoric and tactics or a reinvention of it. The latter is not an easy thing. Among the loyalists, who are mainly of the radical section, and a public that, between the lemonade and suspension of Big Brother and the revolt, would always choose the first, Berisha is caught somewhere between the state of "Malcolm X" and "Martin Luther King." Even his language, filled with 'revolution', is sometimes seen in contradictions. Occasionally he preaches peace and democracy; sometimes, he appeals that Rama is not overthrown by vote.
But, beneath this confusion lies a fact that should please Berisha and satisfy the radicals in the party. The truth is not related to the numbers themselves but to their quality. As never before in the history of the Albanian transition, Sali Berisha manages to bring people who have nothing to lose because they have nothing to gain to the squares. They come out because of their impatience, individual or group revolt, loyalty, or idolatry for Sali Berisha, and in the end, because the boot of power has suddenly caught their neck.
While they have all this, they do not have one thing: they are not government employees. Apart from Shkodra, where Bardh Spahia earns a few hundred salaries, Sali Berisha leads a people that embark on a 'revolution' at its own expense. He, Fatos Nano, and Rama e Basha had in their crowd central or local government employees, together or separately, when they were in the government or in the opposition. In the worst case, the Democratic Party led several brigades with employees, in at least 20 municipalities of the Republic, without mentioning other local and central institutions belonging to the opposition. Thus, this quality should also be calculated in the number of protesters. It is first-time and unnoticed, but it exists nonetheless. Hence, it is implied that Berisha and his should no longer be satisfied with the 'achievement.'

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