The Constitution's lost chance to be 'British' and the seedling of neo-Ottomanism

Alfred Lela

Today, in poor Albania, made into a fist and under the weight of an idiotic globalism, two events collided, seemingly unrelated, but which explain how the guts of global conflicts come and are washed away during the prayers of the Albanians.

The first is the visit of the Turkish Foreign Minister, Hakan Fidan, a consequence of a globalism-through-religion, which continues to plant saplings of Albanian neo-Ottomanism, more than Erion Veliaj trees of the Orbital Forest.

The Turkish minister made nws again calling for a last-ditch effort by the host country on his boss Erdogan's political opponents, the FETO movement, more widely known as the Gulenists.

Erdoğan's seedling finds all the thorns of the neo-Ottoman project in Tirana. Their most common strain grows in the garden of Prime Minister Rama, who has declared Turkey a "strategic partner" with the same ease that he has declared people in the government court "strategic investors." It has paved the way for an aggressive religious Erdoganism, even at the heart of the affairs of the Albanian Muslim Community. With this, the prime minister has done no less and no more than the secularization of the Albanian state and the impetus for the Albanian Mohammedans to be Turkish-centric or Arab-centric. It was a dangerous departure from Albanian Mohammedanism with local authenticity and European spirit, strongly promoted at the time by one of the nation's fathers, King Zog.

There is also a hint of this in Lulzim Basha's media outlet (Basha has more people in the media who support him than the parliamentary group). They have found refuge in Basha since it is impossible for them to be in Rama - too indulgent for their namuzi. The former president of the DP accommodates them in Erdoganism, unlike Sali Berisha, who has constantly attacked the Turkish president. A 'break' comes from when Berisha, the head of the government, chose the American line against the Turkish one, not voting for a resolution against Israel at the UN, which Rama did later when he came to power.

The second event concerns the decision of the Constitutional Court to allow thousands of African refugees to be stationed in Albania for an undefined time and manner. If only because world crises that give birth to refugees, victims, and refugees are never predictable.

Apart from the decision and the dimension, not political but social, that it brings, what worries me is the fact that the Constitutional Court surprisingly leans towards Edi Rama, whose decision aroused objections in Italy and beyond.

If nothing else, the Constitutional Court of Albania could use the British precedent for Albanian immigrants who were to be sent to Rwanda.

Distinguish the paradox: British judges do not think that Albanians should not be sent to a third (African) country because this would constitute a violation of human rights. Albanian judges allow the opposite lane to enter Albania so that refugees from Africa can be stationed in Albania!

In the final account, Albania is not a destination country for refugees, but as a crossing bridge, it is not an economically prosperous country, it is not an EU country, and it is a country that produces another type of refugee, economic or political immigrants. The war does not haunt Albanians, but by a perhaps even blacker epidemic, the lack of hope, the idea that things cannot and will not be fixed in Albania.

Edi Rama's alternative to all this is the return of Albania to a dumping ground for Africa, Asia, and EU countries.

However, the only promise kept was his catchphrase in the form of a threat, "You haven't seen anything yet!".