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OP-ED

Three socialists facing the hyperliberalism of the Renaissance

Three socialists facing the hyperliberalism of the Renaissance

 Alfred Lela

The abstention of three SP MPs a few days ago, when the socialist leadership approved the law for the legalization of cannabis, passed as summer events pass in Albania. The political programs of the evening did not treat it as a topic, even though there was more politics in that attitude than in the rigid unanimity of the ruling party with the Prime Minister's decisions.

In short, the symbolic silence of Pandeli Majko, Fatmir Xhafaj, and Erion Brace was not qualified for political debate. There is no question of being able to go further and turn this position into a public discussion, i.e., beyond political engagement on a political issue.

Albania no longer thinks, which can be seen in the fact that it has become a national issue, for example, Luizi of Big Brother, and national issues are overlooked.

Since this editorial is not intended to circumcise the national head that does not think, it will stop at the profile of the three socialists of the Assembly. What distinguishes Majko, Braçe, and Xhafajn from the broad chorus of Renaissance is that they are the last three socialists in the Socialist Party. Of course, everyone in the SP says they are socialists, from Edi Rama to Bora Muzhaqi, but there is a qualitative difference between the trio and them. They can easily be identified as conservative socialists, politicians who believe in a traditionalist way of looking at issues, a belief that the public is communal, not partisan. Someone, probably, can insert into the thread of the debate the shadow of a doubt that their attitude has nothing to do with the issue, what with their grudge against Prime Minister Rama. Anyone can be considered 'out of favor' with the head of the government and the party. The next question worth asking is: would they abstain if their votes were crucial to the law's passage?

Both the doubt and the question are hypothetical, but the fact remains. Majko-Xhafaj-Braçe symbolically resisted the progressive agenda of Edi Rama, who by following the "Third Way" beyond the left and the right, has produced, both for the majority that presides and for the country, a Republic that follows fashion but remains a cradle in the fabulous catwalk of things, goals, and futures.

Rama's haste to import the world's radical tendencies into Albania, mainly of the leftist-progressive spectrum, proved the country's lack of a straightforward program.

Just remember the history of cannabis, which this law liberalizes. At first, he declared war on his disappearance and entered Lazarat with special forces, an attempt in which a police officer was killed. The policy followed later was the illegal liberalization of the narcotic, exporting thousands of tons across Europe, fueling gang clashes and dozens of deaths. What was more serious was the creation of a national laissez-faire in which industry was involved, from students to teachers. When it appeared that the pressure of European policing increased and with it the political costs, Rama undertook the third step, the legalization of cannabis under the 'medical' diminutive.

Majko-Braçe-Xhafaj is in the SP before Rama's "Third Way" and carries the consciousness of a more earthy, traditional socialism, which is reluctant to extreme liberalism. Perhaps the question they grapple with, as old politicians, relates precisely to liberalism. If Nano's liberalism produced corruption that returned the right to power, what can Rama's hyper-liberalism produce?!

This is a question that Bora Muzhaqi cannot ask.  

 

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