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A profile of the 'Rama 3' Government and the role of the opposition in it
The Prime Minister has given some signals, in the speech held recently in the presence of his ministers, who will continue and who will be 'beheaded'. Belinda Balluku seems to be confident in the coveted task of the superministry she leads, but Rama may surprise her in the finals. The idea to split the Ministry of Energy and Infrastructure, and to give one arm to the current director of OSHEE Ardian Çela, is not unknown to the PM. Not a very easy thing, since only as an idea has it aroused clashes above and on the side of this department that is the lioness of the ministries, in terms of budget, tenders, offers, and favors.
An exit for Çela could be his candidacy in Durrës as the coastal city is run by an appointed mayor.
However, it seems that Balluku will get a lot even if she is left with half. There seem to be two other fortunate women in government: Olta Xhaçka and Ogerta Manastirliu. The first is needed so as not to break an already comfortable and well-built line with the Americans, especially in light of the arrival of the Afghans, while the second, because at least according to its boss, the pandemic has been properly managed.
This, in fact, doesn't deviate from the truth, if only for the fact that Albania is among the countries with a respectable rate of vaccination of the population and has enjoyed relative freedom compared to many other countries, in the region of Europe. All unaccompanied by alarming death figures.
Another minister does not seem to have any reason to be removed. Arben Ahmetaj runs a key ministry like that of Reconstruction. There is no reason why Rama should change horses in the middle of the road in this case.
The others are almost all canceled on the PM plans. Or, to use an expression of Rama 'will be sitting on a wide bench of reserves.
But what will the rest of the government look like? The probabilities may be of a surprising nature. So new names; or without strong political ties to the Socialist Party and the base, or experimental. Of the latter nature, although not impressive in other cases, Rama will issue two or three names as brushes to soothe once again the desire of treating the government as a painting of his own. It remains to be seen which Kosovar will entrust with a post in his government. If nothing else, he will use one to irritate his Pristina counterpart, Albin Kurti.
What remains to be seen, however, is the silhouette of an expected collaboration, when Rama announces the new government: the policy of appeasement of the opposition. The SP chief will not form an explicit government alliance with Basha, but he can elect some 'technical' ministers. Which do not belong to the SP or the DP, but to whom the latter may have access, or will be allowed access?
This, together with possible appointments at the head of super directorates, such as OSHEE, for example, of people who are or are seen as 'Basha's connections', is the only way Rama will cooperate with the opposition. Thus he continues the operation of political-economic elimination of Meta and SMI and, at the same time lubricates the finances of Basha and DP. The latter, left at the mercy of the long winter famine of three terms in opposition will be louder, more figurative, more denouncing, and more irritating or dangerous. Rama is looking for a third term in which he can do some good work. For this, he needs an opposition that shows its teeth but does not bite.
To ensure this Rama is willing to pay the 'dinners' and veneer expenses.