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Does the European Union really uphold its fundamental values ​​in the Balkans?

Does the European Union really uphold its fundamental values ​​in the

By Genc Pollo

The visit of Enlargement Commissioner Marta Kos to Albania on 13 and 14 March appears to have been another missed opportunity for the European Commission to defend the values ​​of Article 2 of the Lisbon Treaty (practically the EU constitution) and the Copenhagen Criteria (basic conditions for EU membership) such as democracy, the rule of law and human rights and freedoms.

While most think tanks and independent observers monitoring the Balkans have reached a consensus that during the 12 years of Prime Minister Edi Rama’s rule, the country has dramatically experienced a “backsliding of democracy,” Commissioner Kos expressed no concern, nor even hinted at this issue. Nothing was said about problems with media freedom, about the violation of the opposition’s parliamentary rights, about criminality in high government offices, etc. during her press conference with PM Rama. Likewise, nothing following her visit to Albania.

Ms. Kos had only praise for the reforms undertaken and those promised by the Rama government; according to her, this is the aim of concluding the 35 chapters of the EU accession negotiations by 2027. Interestingly, the Rama government's "Plan for the EU" foresees all the difficult measures in 2027, while the previous years, 2025 and 2026, are generally free of burdens.

Her three main assessments were:

1. “You have such stability.” This brings to mind the phenomenon of “stabilocracy,” so much criticized by democracy activists.
2. “You align 100% with the EU’s Foreign and Security Policy.” True, but this has always been the case in Albania, as it is based on a broad political and social consensus.
3. “Your regional cooperation is very good.” True, both now and before Rama, but with one problem: Rama has had an agreement with Vučić regarding Kosovo, bypassing Pristina; as a result, his relations with Kosovo have deteriorated and are currently at their lowest point since Kosovo’s declaration of independence.


To be fair, the European Commission’s annual reports on Albania in the last two years have had an extra dose of realism; but let’s not forget that for a dozen years these reports have too often been a Potemkin façade for problems of legality and democracy. The EU has prevented some of the worst deviations of the Rama government, such as the massive granting of “golden passports” and the fiscal-criminal amnesty, which would have brought problems for the EU as well. But these interventions remain rare and generally ineffective.

Ms. Kos remained silent on the issue of MP Xhaçka’s mandate, for which the EU Delegation in Tirana, in a rare case, called for respect for the rule of law. Rama has consistently refused to implement the Constitutional Court’s decision and allow the Assembly to request a judicial review of the matter (a consolidated legal practice). Ms. Xhaçka, a former Minister of Defense and Foreign Affairs, is suspected of having illegally benefited from public assets. Similar cases have previously been reviewed and in some of them, the Court has annulled the mandate. Faced with pressure, the ruling party tried to buy time by seeking the opinion of the Venice Commission, a respected body of the Council of Europe that provides advice on constitutional matters. When the Opinion came out in favor of the Court, PM Rama refused again, prompting another statement from the EU Delegation. However, this seems to have been forgotten now.

The Xhaçka case and similar cases may be mentioned in the Commission’s periodic reports, but few people read them and even fewer manage to understand their bureaucratic jargon. Therefore, they do not become part of the public debate, where forces defending “European values” can refer to the EU’s positions.

The 2027 deadline for the conclusion of accession negotiations has also been proposed by Ms. Kos for Montenegro, which in 12 years of accession talks has closed only three easier chapters out of a total of 35. How Montenegro and the EU would be able to qualitatively conclude the remaining 32 chapters within two years needs to be explained. The same question must be asked for Albania. “Conclusion of negotiations in 2027” is a nice narrative, but Commissioner Kos has not yet provided an explanation.

At the press conference, Ms. Kos presented Prime Minister Rama with a basketball jersey with the same number as the jersey he wore in his youth. This gift comes at a time when the campaign for the parliamentary elections has already begun. The real criterion for a functioning democracy in countries like Albania is the ability to change power through elections. This has become difficult, if not impossible: OSCE reports point to an orgy of vote-buying, voter intimidation, massive misuse of state resources, involvement of criminal groups by the ruling party, etc. Ms. Kos’s gift to Rama has been added to this notorious list.

Moreover, unlike previous visits by EU Commissioners, Ms. Kos avoided meeting with the opposition leader; she only met with its senior representatives in the Assembly; unlike previous meetings, she did not make any statements or posts about this meeting.

That is enough to understand the real contribution of the European Commission to democracy in Albania and perhaps in the Western Balkans.

Adapted from NE Global/ADN

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