
Flash News
Accident at "Shkalla e Tujanit", truck overturns in the middle of the road, driver injured
Vlora by-pass, work delays and cost increases
Milan are expected to give up on the transfer of Granit Xhaka
Inceneratori jashtë funksionit, përfshihet nga flakët fusha e mbetjeve në Elbasan
Accident on the Lezhë-Shëngjin axis, one injured
By Genc Pollo
At the meeting of the National Council of the Democratic Party last week, a member asked in somewhat suspicious-reprimanding tones what the party's position was on the "open lists" (hereinafter LH) in the negotiations with the Socialist Party in the Electoral Reform Commission. The answer from the presidium was full of technical details, not very understandable, but the subtext sounded like "we were in favor of opening the lists, but the PS vetoed it and we had nothing to do." I doubt that the explanation is true because I have the impression that both parties by consensus corrected to some extent a disgrace and a stupidity that the social-renaissance majority in October 2020 introduced into the Electoral Code with the help of the Janissary opposition. For this they should be congratulated!
In May 2021 in my note "False prophets, useful idiots, open lists and collective stupidity in v2019-2021" I found with surprise a quasi-public hysteria from stupid and not stupid characters, honest and conscientious but also propagandists serving who claimed that with LH they had found the philosophical stone with which all the flaws of the post-communist political system in Albania would be cured. The common refrain of this diverse crowd was "deputies should not be appointed by the president but elected by the people".
On that note I argued that LHs proved to solve none of the problems they were supposed to solve. On the contrary, they served to shift the public debate from real problems to phantasmagorical formulas and to soften public pressure for realistic solutions.
First, the thesis of LH lovers that through the preference of the electorate, the monopoly of the leaders of political parties to actually determine the future deputies is destroyed by the result of the 2021 parliamentary elections. Only three candidates broke the quotient and thus became MPs. But even with a smaller quotient, little would change.
Secondly, the fixed idea that the popular vote cleans the dirt of the presidents in the lists is overthrown by the very few cases in Elbasan and Tirana of changing the list by popular vote. Even based on those cases, it can be said that we fell from rain to hail.
Thirdly, the rare cases of LH use in Europe and the world and the often not positive experience reported by them also removes the argument "let's do it in Europe/the world" (which is actually a pseudo-argument if it was not accompanied by reasoning concrete in our context). Here we can also add the experience of breaking the intra-party harmony of the campaign that happened in the DP and SP in the 2021 elections.
Tre vjet më vonë kjo analizë i ka qendruar kohës dhe fatmirësisht problemi i krijuar në tetor 2020 ka gjetur një zgjidhje në masën më të madhe përmes reformës zgjedhore të kësaj vere (kjo u bë e mundur edhe pse PS nuk ka qenë ndonjëherë parimisht e interesuar për LH; deri në momentin kur kuptoi se mund t’i përdorte si truk për të abroguar koalicionin e përbërë që i leverdiste opozitës reale; duke përdorur opozitën jeniçere në Kuvend).
Tre vjet më vonë e bazuar në debatin publik që shoqëroi amendimet verore te Kodit Zgjedhor mund të thuhet se numri i idiotëve të dobishëm që insistojnë për LH është reduktuar ndjeshëm; ndërsa numri i profetëve të rremë, për arsye të kuptueshme, mbetet në nivelet e para katër viteve.
Megjithatë, duke folur edhe me partiakë të ndryshëm, të duket se sidomos ndër mëtonjësit për deputet idea LH mbetet popullore. Shpjegimi duket se është sa besimi tek mrekullia e thyerjes së herësit aq edhe ambicia personale e ekzagjeruar që të shtyn tek short-cuts që anashkalojnë karrierën e rregullt.
Por një shpjegim i përgjithshëm dhe legjitim është imazhi i partive politike si organizata pa transparencë e meritokraci dhe me kontroll personal të shefit titullar, ku edhe listat bëhen sipas qejfit të këtij të fundit. Shembull konkret ishin edhe miratimi i listave të kandidatëve për deputet në v2021 në dy partitë kryesore. Tek njëra syresh mbledhja miratuese e Këshillit Kombëtar u bë në zoom ku anëtarët ishin pa mikrofon (muted) përveç kryetarit; ky i fundit lexonte listën e kandidatëve dhe në fund thoshte vetë votohet-miratohet. Në partinë tjetër kur mblidhej kryesia mikrofonët ishin ndezur dhe një ish ministër vërente me surprizë se disa emra në listën e kandidatëve (segmenti fitues) kishin bërë “hemoragji të financave publike” (sot deputetët në fjalë vuajnë dënimin me burg për inceneratorët).
Idea e “listave totalisht të hapura” në fakt është një refuzim naiv i partive politike të perceptuara si të kapura e të korruptuara. Si shumë ide naive në histori ajo ofron një zgjidhje të rreme për një problem real. Kështu p.sh. anarkistët rusë të shek. 19, të indinjuar nga bujkrobëria e absolutizmi carist, propozonin një sistem shoqëror pa autoritet e pa hierarki. Por ideja e tyre të çonte ose në kaos shoqëror ku e pësonte më i dobëti ose, në versionin kolektivist të saj i cili do të ushqente bolshevizmin, do të sillte regjimin më opresiv e totalitar të shek. 20. Po kështu forca politike në Europën aktuale pretendojnë reduktimin e Bashkimit Europian në një ligë të shteteve-komb sovrane mbasi politikat BE po adoptonin gradualisht elemente të planifikimit socialist në zbatim të ideologjive të ditës; me pasojë ndrydhjen e tregut e asfiksimin e bizneseve dhe fermerëve e më tej rënien e konkurrueshmërisë e uljen e rolit të Europës në ekonominë globale. Kjo kritikë mund të jetë e bazuar por propozimi mund të jetë kundërproduktiv. Në fakt zgjedhjet e sivjetshme për Parlamentin Europian shënuan një spostim djathtas të elektoratit duke validuar shumë kritika ndaj politikave të deritanishme të Brukselit. Si pasojë fjalimi programatik i Presidentes së Komisionit para Parlamentit Europian para dy muajsh përmbante korrigjime thelbësore duke reflektuar kritikat.
Pra mund të biem dakord se korrigjimi i politikave të gabuara dhe reformimi i institucioneve përgjegjës është më i volitshëm se abrogimi i këtyre institucioneve në favor të alternativave historikisht të dështuara ose aktualisht kundraproduktive.
Idea LH është de facto për një parlament me deputetë të pavarur e pa lidhje me partitë politike. Në kontekstin shqiptar e më gjerë kjo do të thotë një legjislaturë rumpallë ku s’njeh i pari të dytin. Kjo nuk është e dëshirueshme edhe pse publiku me të drejtë mund të jetë mërzitur me deputetët “bagëti votuese” që miratojnë me disiplinë e pa ndërgjegje kontratat korruptive të PPP-ve.
Në një sistem politik pluralist e demokratik siç e ka zhvilluar Europa në dy shekujt e fundit, partitë politike janë elemente qëndrore që garantojnë lidhjen organike të popullit me shtetin. Kjo realizohet edhe përmes kandidateve për ofiq që partitë i propozojnë elektoratit. Keqfunksionimi i tyre nuk justifikon abrogimin e tyre; ai lipset të nxisë përmirësimin e tyre.
Our malfunctions are not solved by eliminating the role of the party leader or its governing bodies. This would be undemocratic and irresponsible. But how can it be achieved that the candidates of the parties are not only normal and untainted people but also embody the political ideas of the party they will represent and be known and enjoy the trust of the membership, the party electorate and beyond? It is less simplistic and populist, but clearly more useful to insist and carry out democratic procedures within the parties, taking as a model the American primaries or at least consultations with secret or open votes with the base and party structures as widely practiced in Europe.
Even there, the role of the chairman or the central presidency is not denied, but by rule and tradition this role is limited to individual vetoes and small and always justified changes. But this requires will at the head of the party and long practice. But better to correctly identify the unsolved problem than to give completely wrong formulas.
PS While I was writing these lines, I came across the news that Edi Rama would put new candidates in the winning segment of the lists of the Socialist Party. The segment below where the LH formula works will list others who have seniority in the party. He killed two birds with one stone. First of all, no-name persons provide absolute voting cattle that do not even think of commenting and criticizing or not voting for the wicked project/laws that the Prime Minister proposes to the Assembly. Secondly, he is giving himself the perverse satisfaction of showing how veteran friends of the party and government within the district will fight with each other for a handful of votes, as happened in v2021.
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