EXPLAINED - 6 reasons why 'SPAK vs Berisha' is a political act

Politiko.al

1- The 'show' arrest of Jamarbër Malltezi
Citizen Jamarbër Malltezi, a lecturer at the Agricultural University and a well-known environmentalist, was not arrested as such, but as the son-in-law of Sali Berisha. First, the careful 'selection' of the place of his arrest, Rinas airport, one of the public axes with the largest human flow in Albania, could not be a coincidence. The selection was made with the directive of Minister Taulant Balla, who has had an unfavorable history with Malltez.

On June 25, 2016, Balla reported that he was hit by Jamarbër Malltezi in Rome airport transit. Four years later, the chairman of the socialist parliamentary group filed a complaint with SPAK against Malltez, alleging the corrupt privatization of the "Partizani" sports complex.

Three years after this lawsuit, Taulant Balla was suddenly empowered by being promoted to Minister of the Interior by KM Rama after a temporary 'fall from the meal'. Prepared to be appointed speaker of the parliament, he was surprised when Rama did not give him the post and even dismissed him as the political leader of the Elbasan district, transferring him to Fier.

After being empowered as a minister, the "Maltezi file" was reactivated in SPAK. As a reminder, E. Millonai headed the Prosecutor's Office of the Elbasan district during the time when Taulant Balla was, informally, the "governor of Elbasan", as the first deputy of the district, political leader of the SP and chairman of the majority parliamentary group.
On Saturday, October 21, in the afternoon, when he was waiting for his wife to return from Germany, Malltezi was accompanied without human discretion and with unnecessary force. This happens exactly at the moment when Argita Malltezi leaves the airport, a few meters from her husband who was waiting for her. The police officers apparently hoped for a scene of the wife or Malltez, which would capture even more attention of the public present.

The subsequent release of video of the arrest, presumably taken from Rinas airport cameras via government access, is another indication of political implication. Taulant Balla was returning to Malltez the alleged punch he received in Rome. At the same time, he was also hitting Sali Berisha, one of his most tireless and uncompromising denouncers.
2- Media targeting of Malltez as 'unjustly rich'
After the video of the arrest, intended to instill fear in the opposition and to excite that part of the people with Bolshevik tendencies where evil joy over the misfortune of others prevails, came the well-prepared list of real estate or liquid assets of Jamarbë Malltez.

Lista qarkullonte e njëjtë në të gjitha mediat qeveritare, me qëllimin e krijimit të psikozës se Malltezi kishte përfituar nga statusi i tij si dhëndër i Berishës, dhe ishte pasuruar pikërisht prej kësaj. Konteksti shpërfillej krejtësisht. Fakti se Malltezi ishte trashëgimtar i një familjeje autoktone me qindra hektarë tokë në pronësi, nga të cilët ka marrë vetëm një pjesë të vogël (pikërisht zonën ku ndodhej ish-kompleksi Partizani), shmangej me qëllim.

Malltezi shënjestrohej për pasurimin e tij përmes zhvillimit të pronës së vet, privatizuar në mënyrë legale, me firmat e ministrave dhe kryeministrave socialistë, duke anashkaluar logjikën e të ardhurave që gjeneron një investim në një sipërfaqe të tillë. Sektori i ndërtimit në Tiranë ka pasuruar me qindra biznesmenë, me apo pa lidhje me politikën, dhjetra herë sa Malltezi.

Shtypi i qeverisë, i pajisur me linjën që duhet të mbante, nuk ishte i interesuar për logjikën dhe rrethanat, por vetëm sulmet ad hominem. Jamarbër Malltezi goditej si dhëndrri i kundërshtarit politik, shef i opozitës. Pjesa tjetër e xhelozisë për pronën dhe pasurinë i lihej turmës. E cila si në ’44 duartrokiste ‘drejtësinë e re’ që shpronësonte kulakët.
3-Shpërfillja e Kushtetutës dhe statusit të deputetit të Sali Berishës
Në një shkelje flagrante dhe arrogante të Kushtetutës, ligjit themeltar të shtetit, prokurorët e SPAK kanë vënë në lëvizje ndalimin e lirisë së deputetit, Sali Berisha. Ata kanë dalë edhe kundër precedentëve të vendosur nga rastet e tjera si Tahiri, Frroku, Bllako, Koka etj., kur Prokuroria, në respekt të Kushtetutës i është drejtuar Këshillit të Mandateve në Kuvend.

A janë amatorë, dmth mosnjohës të ligjit, prokurorët e SPAK, apo lëvizja e tyre antiligjore ka patur prapavijë politike. Kësaj mund t’i japin përgjigje vetë, qoftë edhe duke dhënë një arsye të tretë përveç këtyre të dyjave, e cila i qëndron logjikës.
4- “Dosja Berisha-Malltezi” u hap me urgjencë të pahasur më parë
Më 24 nëntor 2020, Taulant Balla paraqiti një padi në SPAK kundër Malltezit, Sali Berishës e të të tjerë, për privatizimin e kompleksit sportiv “Partizani”.

Një javë më vonë, me 1 dhjetor 2020, Prokuroria e Posaçme hapi hetimet për çështjen. Një institucion i cili është qortuar shpesh për zvarritjen e çështjeve apo përcjelljen e tyre në shkallë të tjera të gjyqësorit, në një shpejtësi të pahasur më pare, hapi çështje kundër ish-kryeministrit dhe dhëndrrit të tij. A ishte kjo çështje më e nxehta dhe më tronditësja në skakierën e korrupsionit të dyshuar në Shqipëri, apo prokurorja që hapi hetimet në dimër të vitit 2020, nuk ishte e preokupuar me asnjë çështje tjetër?

Or would a lawsuit from one of the highest exponents of power put SPAK either under pressure to open investigations or in the position of paying off a debt to the chairman of the socialist parliamentary group?
5-Investigations last three years and the suspects are never questioned
Despite the speed with which the case against Berisha-Malltez was opened, the epic slowness of SPAK returned to the investigation process. It took about three years for the Prosecutor's Office to conclude the investigations and announce the measures for the suspects. What jumps out in all this extravagance is the fact that Berisha, Malltezi or Bektashi were not called to be questioned even once.

The file against them was "stitched" with the claims of one side, not giving the other side the opportunity to present their positions regarding the doubts. The off-the-radar investigation by the prosecutors of the case raises suspicions, either of governmental pressure or of an extra-judicial choice of theirs to not allow the defendants from Balla all the access that the procedure and the law provide.
6-Labeling SPAK's action as 'the end of impunity'
The license plate chosen by the government media for the lawsuits of the Prosecutor's Office has been 'the end of impunity'. This was done through the demonization of Berisha and Malltez and the heroization of the justice system. The subtext of this propaganda hides a purpose, the nature of which proves why this process is a political masterpiece.

By charging Sali Berisha with the burden of impunity, and linking the action against him with the end of this impunity, it is required to create the impression in the public that the "crusade" of justice towards politics ends with the former prime minister.

The cleaning of the political manger has happened and now, Albania under Edi Rama 'blessed is he who lives to see a lady'. This false alibi hides both Rama and justice from the suspicions of the public (because the redemption and the mission were accomplished), but more than that, it hides from the public the creation of a justicialist republic, whose protection is possible on only one condition: not to affect the prime minister in power. His collaborators and former opposition leaders YES, but NOT the head of the government.
This 'happy marriage' allows both the judiciary and the executive to choose who is sacrificed and how. The principle is simple: mobs need sacrifices from time to time. The constitution and the law are no more than 'Chineseness'.