Flash News
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Pëllumb Gjoka speaks about the accusations in the "Metamorphosis" file: They held a public trial for me, I have no connection to the murder of Gjin Ndoji
Alfred Lela
Between Tirana and Washington, there lingers an unfinished, half-done battle, open yet unresolved: the case of Charles McGonigal. While the courts in New York and Washington have closed the files and sentenced the former FBI agent, based on the U.S. Prosecutor’s indictments, the Special Prosecution in Tirana remains dormant. Critics, both in the opposition and beyond, point to this negligence as rooted in the fact that in the “McGonigal file,” Edi Rama and his activities stretch far and wide.
The silence of SPAK, and the fact that in America the case has been formally closed—though talk of reopening it has circulated, even after a double conviction in two federal courts—places the Albanian Prosecutor’s Office’s silence into the realm of conspiracy.
Another battle, however, seems to be emerging on the horizon. President Trump, just days ago, openly declared his accusations against George and Alex Soros, demanding that RICO be applied against them (for amateur fans of American mafia films, they will recall that in the 1980s, the RICO statute began to be used against New York’s mafia families, treating them as criminal organizations). Within this analogy, Donald Trump—a New Yorker deeply familiar with the city where the five Mafia families operated—has branded the Soros organization a “mafia family.”
Between Washington, New York, and Tirana, however, lies a whole ocean—not only in the physical sense, but also metaphorically, in terms of the rule of law and professional ethics, as the “McGonigal case” demonstrates.
Sali Berisha, the leader of the Albanian opposition, said openly on Wednesday that investigations in America concerning Soros will remain incomplete without the involvement of Tirana. The Albanian opposition, unfortunately, has been left with two thin threads of hope: the legislative and law enforcement institutions in the United States, and the gravity of wrongdoing itself (in the sense that Rama’s accumulated misdeeds might eventually consume him). As for hopes that domestic oversight institutions—above all SPAK—will act, chances are zero.
In the “McGonigal case,” this would mean entering into confrontation with the Prime Minister. Why do the so-called “heroes of our children” want to avoid such a clash with the head of government? There are two reasons: first, because they believe they would lose the battle, not feeling secure with themselves, in the sense that the Prime Minister, through his “informative services,” holds compromising material against them. Second, and this reinforces a long-standing thesis of the opposition, that prosecutors and judges passed vetting thanks to the blessing/assistance of Rama and the Socialist Party. If in the first case they are victims, in the second, they are collaborators.
This reasoning brings us to the likelihood of an investigation in Tirana into the activities of the Soros Foundation. Which are even slimmer than in the case of McGonigal. For one simple reason: the Soros Foundation was the chief architect of the justice reform. The philosophy is simple: capture political power and, through it, capture the judiciary. The same effort has been made for decades in America—and continues today. This is Donald Trump’s titanic battle with Soros in Washington.
In Tirana, however, Soros has already won that battle.
That is why Sali Berisha, for the past four days, has been publicly calling on the FBI to investigate in Tirana as well.
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