Three weeks of resistance, DW: What is keeping the protest alive in Albania?

The resistance of more than 20 days has transformed the "flamingo revolution" into one of the largest civic movements since the fall of the communist system in Albania. Discontents carried over for years are being publicly articulated, refusing to be represented by traditional politics.

Three weeks of resistance

The resistance of the protest cannot be explained solely by the events of recent weeks. For academic Artan Fuga, it is the product of a dissatisfaction that has been building for years outside of traditional institutions and politics.

"The protest reads as a sudden outburst of anger only to those who have chosen to ignore what has been articulated on social media for years," he tells Deutsche Welle, adding that "in the last 5-6 years, the dissatisfaction expressed on social media has been extraordinary."

According to Fuga, criticism has been steadily strengthened towards government policies, the prime minister and the opposition. Essentially, he argues, the belief that "the position and the opposition are the same thing, part of a common establishment" that has continued to dominate Albanian political life for decades has been consolidated.

Enough with the old political class

According to political scientist Blendi Kajsiu, causes and ideas that are often found on opposite sides of the political spectrum are coexisting in the square. According to him, what unites the protesters is no longer ideology, but the rejection of the political model.

"We are witnessing a deep crisis of the Albanian democratic model," Kajsiu argues for Deutsche Welle. The protesters are not just opposing the government, but a system that has privatized power and political representation. "No one agrees with the model of private democracy that Ramadhe Berisha has built," he says, adding that the main narrative of the protest is "enough with the old political class."

Academic Artan Fuga says that what has happened in Albanian society that Western sociology has explained for decades, that "if political rotation does not refresh the political elites, on a certain day those elites find themselves facing revolt and street pressure". According to him, part of public opinion concluded that political change had become almost impossible, with the majority relying on a system that favors the ruling party and the opposition involved in internal crises, without a convincing alternative.

Zvernec, symbol of the political model

The footage of a protester being dragged by private security guards on the sands of Zvërnec, in front of cell phone cameras and in the presence of state police, quickly spread on social media. The revolt erupted.

For academic Artan Fuga, that scene explains why a protest for nature protection turned into something much bigger.

"It was a shocking, chilling element for Albanian public opinion," he says. "The event highlighted the relationship between the citizen and the state, the individual and his rights, and the clash between private interest and public law." These, according to him, are fundamental issues in Albanian society, for which great dissatisfaction has long been expressed.

Political scientist Blendi Kajsiu says that public space does not only include territory, but also institutions, the state, and political parties.

In this context, the fence erected in Zvërnec "is a physical manifestation of the encirclement of the institution of the prime minister's office, parliament and political parties by their 'owners'" - says Kajsiu. He sees the protest as a civic reaction to expand public space against its narrowing by narrow private interests.

Gen Z doesn't expect "saviors"

The fact that the protest does not have a leader is no coincidence for political scientist Kajsiu. He reads it as a consequence of distrust in political leadership and the fear that any new figure could reproduce the same models that the protesters are opposing. "The movement is very pluralistic from an ideological, social and political point of view, as a result it is difficult to produce a leadership representative of all the factions that make it up," he adds.

For academic Artan Fuga, this protest is taking place in an Albania very different from that of the transition years. According to him, emigration has brought about a profound cultural and civic transformation, especially among the younger generations.

"Even though it is no longer the symbol 'We love Albania like all of Europe', the content is," Fuga argues. Through family, immigration, and daily contacts with the West, citizens have created new expectations about how the state, justice, and the individual's relationship with power should function.

The future of protest?

For political scientist Blendi Kajsiu, the real challenge of the protest begins where the revolt ends. "The civic protest must begin building democratic and participatory structures that will channel and institutionalize its political and democratic demands," says Kajsiu.

For Fuga, the current battle is a "nerve game" between the protest, which seeks to expand and maintain its momentum, and the government, which shows no signs of backing down. According to him, there is a huge gap between citizens and the political class.

"The urban Albanian electorate, and especially the youth, are higher in political culture and civic consciousness than the current political class," says Fuga, adding that the Albanian political system has entered a deep crisis that will continue beyond the protest./ DW