The Post-Power Anxiety of Albania’s Ruling Party

Alfred Lela

Elisa Spiropali, as of today the former Foreign Minister of Albania, has made public the virus of discomfort within the Socialist Party by choosing to self-identify as the “English-speaker” mentioned by the Prime Minister in his—characteristically long—speech before the parliamentary group.

The mention of the great antagonist, Berisha, was not meant to certify that “the Doctor’s words come true,” but rather to suggest that the rival blocs within the Socialist Party are ready to “embrace” even the “external enemy” to defeat an internal rival.

What Spiropali confirmed today through her stance is not the classic SP–Berisha divide, but the fact that Belinda’s growing weight has begun to tilt the balance that in the Socialist Party was once guaranteed by power rather than unity.

Rama’s insistence on keeping Balluku has begun to be read by several Socialist figures as the Prime Minister’s decision to produce new scapegoats. The difference this time is that, in the sacrificial ritual, the heads are no longer being demanded only for Rama, but also for Balluku. In other words, Elisa’s dissatisfaction—and that of others—is not directed solely at Rama for refusing to let Balluku go, as he once did with Tahiri, Beqaj, and others. It is also directed at the Deputy Prime Minister herself, who appears determined to drag Rama down with her, and with him the rest of them into the abyss of the post-power era.

The grimacing of the old Socialist elite, translated into plain terms, means: not “why are you leaving us in the hands of SPAK,” but “why are you leaving us—and yourself—in the hands of Belinda.”

Thus, a bloc of traditional Socialists has emerged in opposition to the group of “municipals,” the former associates of Rama from his days as mayor of Tirana. This divide can also be observed in recent appointments and replacements within the government, where the balance of power has generally left the traditional Socialists underweight.

What is new in these developments that has made Socialists more sensitive than in previous moments, when the same Rama decided who, how, and when to sacrifice?

It is not that Elisa and others suddenly woke up with a renewed understanding of the state. What is different this time has to do with the corrosion of power—an unmistakable scent that accompanies its end. Unlike the Democrats in 2013, some of whom were both satiated and exhausted and viewed their move into opposition almost as a political weekend, Socialist officials now face entirely different circumstances.

A capricious and unpredictable justice system, which has unsettled even their own leader—long seen as untouchable and beyond punishment—has forced many of them to reflect. Reflection without an exit strategy is an intellectual exercise, not a political strategy.

Under these conditions, Socialists must begin preparing for a party and a political environment that, in the years ahead, will determine not only who becomes the next leader, but also who escapes prison and who ends up there. Naturally, the successor will emerge from among those who manage to avoid prison.

Those who have managed to remain untouched by grand corruption may finally smile freely. Among that small number of Socialists may lie the real competition for the inheritance—provided they can neutralize the power of the large fortunes controlled by those who will be in prison and who will influence the race not physically, but financially.